From: Magnu96196@aol.com
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========================================================
DUCK AND COVER(UP): U.S. RADIATION TESTING ON HUMANS
If you have any lingering thoughts that the government's failure to
disclose
radiation experimentation on humans was driven by misguided national
security
concerns, throw them in the nearest nuclear waste dump. At least some
officials knew what they were doing was unconscionable and were ducking
the
consequences and covering their tails. A recently leaked Atomic Energy
Commission (AEC) document lays out in the most bare-knuckled manner
the policy of coverup. It is desired that no document be released which
refers to
experiments with humans and might have adverse effect on public opinion
or
result in legal suits. Documents covering such work field should be
classified
`secret,' wrote Colonel O.G. Haywood of the AEC. *1 This letter confirms
a
policy of complete secrecy where human radiation experiments were concerned.
The Haywood letter may help explain a recently discovered 1953 Pentagon
document, declassified in 1975. The two-page order from the secretary
of
defense ostensibly brought U.S. guidelines for human experimentation.
in line
with the Nuremberg Code, making adherence to a universal standard official
U.S. policy. Ironically, however, the Pentagon document was classified
and
thus was probably not seen by many military researchers until its
declassification in 1975.2 As these and a steady stream of similar
reports
confirm, for decades, the U.S. government had not only used human guinea
pigs
in radiation experiments, but had also followed a policy of deliberate
deception and cover up of its misuse of both civilians and military
personnel
in nuclear weapons development and radiation research. While the Department
of
Energy (DoE) has made some belated moves toward greater openness, there
are
clear indications that other federal agencies and the White House have
not yet
deviated from the time-honored tradition of deceit and self-serving
secrecy.
CRACKS IN THE WALL OF SILENCE
The Clinton administration's first halting step toward taking responsibility
for past government misdeeds occurred on Pearl Harbor Day 1993, when
DoE
Secretary Hazel O'Leary confirmed that the AEC, her agency's predecessor,
had
sponsored experiments in which hundreds of Americans were exposed to
radioactive material, often without their consent. That O'Leary had
decided to
break with her agency's long tradition of secrecy and deception was
something
of a surprise. After all, she came to the job after a career in the
nuclear
power industry. But, confronted by a media firestorm over the government's
Cold War nuclear experiments, O'Leary was left with few options. Her
decision
to confirm some government abuses and reveal others was precipitated
by a
series of reports by journalist Eileen Welsome in the Albuquerque Tribune
last
November and the nearly simultaneous release of a Government Accounting
Office (GAO) report on radiation releases. *3 Following a six-year investigation,
Welsome uncovered details of five experiments in which plutonium was
injected
into 18 people without their informed consent. The GAO report, meanwhile,
is
an important finding that government scientists deliberately released
radioactive material into populated areas so that they could study
fallout
patterns and the rate at which radioactivity decayed. It profiles 13
different
releases of radiation from 1948-52. All were part of the U.S. nuclear
weapons
development program. The report concludes that other planned radioactive
releases not documented here may have occurred at ... U.S. nuclear
sites
during these years. *4 The disclaimer suggests that a good deal of
information
about radiation experiments remains locked away in government files.
Top DoE
aide Dan Reicher pulled O'Leary out of a meeting last November just
before the
story broke to warn her that People were injected with plutonium back
in the
1940s, and there's a newspaper in New Mexico that's about to lay out
the whole
thing. *5 O'Leary provided information about experiments at major
universities, including MIT, the University of Chicago, California,
and
Vanderbilt. Experimenters exposed about 2,000 Americans to varying
degrees of
radiation. These numbers may grow as more information about experiments
is
released.
INCIDENTAL FALLOUT
When O'Leary confirmed the human experiments, she also revealed two
other
important activities. First, she admitted her agency had secretly conducted
204 underground nuclear tests in Nevada from 1963-1990. These clandestine
blasts were in addition to the 800-plus nuclear tests publicly announced
during that period. DoE's secrecy may have deceived only Congress and
the U.S.
public. In 1990, the Soviet Union's minister for atomic energy produced
an
estimate of U.S. detonations that was very close to the actual number
including the secret ones. O'Leary's other significant disclosure concerned
DoE's massive stock of weapons-grade plutonium: 33.5 metric tons of
stockpiled
plutonium and another 55.5 metric tons deployed in nuclear warheads
and for
similar uses. *6 This admission calls into question DoE's past claims
that
national security required the continued operation of unsafe plutonium
processing plants to produce unnecessary stockpiles of plutonium. O'Leary's
disclosures about the human experiments have produced a torrent of
publicity.
Much less attention has been paid to her admissions about secret nuclear
tests
and plutonium stocks, which have much greater long-term implications
for
nuclear weapons policy.
DOWN THE MEMORY HOLE
O'Leary's promises of full disclosure by DoE aside, *7 one well-placed
source
within the agency suggested that the Pentagon, NASA and the CIA were
just
going through the motions. *8 For example, the CIA announced in January
1994
that after searching its files it could locate only one reference to
human
experimentation with radiation. Former CIA official Scott Breckenridge
charged
that in 1973, Dr. Sidney Gottlieb, chief of the chemical division of
the CIA's
Technical Services Division, may have destroyed many secret files,
including
those on human radiation experiments. *9 The history of partial revelation
and
near complete inaction is long. In 1975, the Rockefeller Commission
first
revealed that the CIA may have conducted radiation experiments, *10
but the
records if not destroyed have yet to be uncovered. William Colby, CIA
director
from 1973 to 1975, recently said, I recall the various drug tests,
which were
scandalous, but nothing about radiation. *11 So far, the institutional
memories of the implicated agencies appear to be as conveniently spotty
as
Colby's.
SECRET EXPERIMENTS
While officials have dallied, dedicated reporters, angry victims, and
a
handful of government whistleblowers have exposed a pattern of secrecy
and
deception. A brief sampling of some of the macabre, secret human experiments
uncovered by Welsome and others is chilling.
• * In 1945, Albert Stevens, a 58-year old California house painter
suffering
from a huge stomach ulcer, was injected with doses of plutonium 238
and 239
equivalent to 446 times the average lifetime exposure.
*12 Doctors recommended an operation and told his children he had only
six months to live. For the next year, scientists collected plutonium-laden
urine and fecal samples from Stevens and used that data in a classified
scientific report, A Comparison of the Metabolism of Plutonium in Man and
the Rat. There is little doubt scientists knew of the danger: The problem
of chronic plutonium poisoning is a matter of serious concern for those
who come in contact with this material,
the report concluded.
13 AEC officials in 1947 refused to release the information because
it contains material, which in the opinion of the [AEC], might adversely
affect the national interest.
14• * In 1947, doctors injected plutonium into the left leg of Elmer
Allen, a
36-year-old African American railroad porter. Three days later, the
leg was
amputated for a supposed pre-existing bone cancer. Researchers analyzed
tissue
samples to determine the physiology of plutonium dispersion.
*15 In 1973,scientists summoned Allen to the Argonne National Laboratory
near Chicago,where he was subjected to a follow-up whole body radiation
scan, and his urine was analyzed to ascertain lingering levels of plutonium
from the 1947
injection.
*16• * Beginning in 1949, the Quaker Oats Company, the National Institutes
of
Health, and the AEC fed minute doses of radioactive materials to boys
at the
Fernald School for the mentally retarded in Waltham, Massachusetts,
to
determine if chemicals used in breakfast cereal prevented the body
from
absorbing iron and calcium. The unwitting subjects were told that they
were
joining a science club. The consent form sent to the boys' parents
made no
mention of the radiation experiment.
*17• In 1963, 131 prison inmates in Oregon and Washington state were
paid about $200 each to be exposed to 600 roentgens of radiation (100 times
the allowable annual dose for nuclear workers). They signed consent forms
agreeing to submit to X-ray radiation of my scrotum and testes, but were
not warned about the possibility of contracting testicular cancer. Doctors
later performed
vasectomies on the inmates to avoid the possibility of contaminating
the
general population with irradiation-induced mutants.
*18
• * From 1960-71, in experiments which may have caused the most deaths
and
spanned the most years, Dr. Eugene Saenger, a radiologist at the University
of
Cincinnati, exposed 88 cancer patients to whole body radiation. *19
Many of the guinea pigs were poor African-Americans at Cincinnati General
Hospital with inoperable tumors. All but one of the 88 patients have since
died. *20
There is evidence that scientists forged signatures on the consent
forms for
the Cincinnati experiments. Gloria Nelson testified before the House
that her
grandmother, Amelia Jackson, had been strong and still working before
she was
treated by Dr. Saenger. Following exposure to 100 rads of whole body
radiation
(about 7,500 chest X-rays), Amelia Jackson bled and vomited for days
and
became permanently disabled. Jackson testified that the signa- ture
on her
grandmother's consent form was forged.21
WATCHING THE BOMB
While researchers were running tests on relatively small numbers of
hapless
civilians, the military was conducting a series of potentially lethal
experiments on a massive scale. From 1946-63, the military ordered
more than
200,000 active-duty GIs to observe one or more nuclear bomb tests either
in
the Pacific or at the Nevada Test Site. The 195,000 GIs who served
as part of
the occupation force in Hiroshima and Nagasaki may also have suffered
the
effects of radiation. A vast body of information about nuclear bomb
testing
and its effects on humans has yet to see the light of day, but some
individual
accounts are harrowing. One atomic veteran, Jim O'Connor, provided
a detailed
account of the Turk blast at the Nevada test site in March 1955. O'Connor
reported seeing someone crawling from a bunker near ground-zero after
the
blast:
"There was a guy with a mannequin look who had apparently crawled behind
the bunker. Something like wires were attached to his arms and his
face was
bloody. I smelled an odor like burning flesh. The rotary camera I'd
seen [earlier] was going `zoom, zoom, zoom' and the guy kept trying to
get up." *22 At this point, O'Connor fled and was picked up by AEC rad-safety
monitors who took him to a hospital where he was treated for radiation
overdose. The Defense Nuclear Agency refused to confirm or deny O'Connor's
account, although there are reports which refer to a volunteer officer
program at several of the test
blasts. Navy officer R.A. Hinners was another nuclear guinea pig. *23
Only a
mile from ground zero, he and seven other volunteers witnessed the
detonation
of a 55-kiloton bomb (four times the Hiroshima blast) on April 25,
1953. While
the Army's report, Exercise Desert Rock VII and VIII, covers the 1957
test
series and notes that the observers suffered no adverse effects, the
Pentagon
has not released any material relating to the use of volunteers at
any other
tests. *24
DELIBERATE ATMOSPHERIC RADIATION RELEASES
Nuclear researchers did not limit themselves to small groups of selected
guinea pigs or large groups of soldiers under orders. The U.S. government
also
deliberately released radioactive materials into the atmosphere, endangering
military personnel and untold numbers of civilians. Unsurprisingly,
the people
exposed during these tests were not informed. In four of these tests
at the
AEC's facility at Los Alamos, New Mexico, bomb-testers set off conventional
explosives to send aloft clouds of radioactive material, including
strontium
and uranium. When the AEC tracked the clouds across northern New Mexico,
it
detected some radioactivity 70 miles away. According to a Los Alamos
press
officer, there may have been as many as 250 other such tests during
the same
period.25 Nor was this intentional release the largest. During the
December
1949 Green Run test at the Hanford (Washington) Nuclear Reservation,
the AEC
loosed thousands of curies of radioactive iodine-131 several times
the amount
released from the 1979 Three Mile Island disaster into the atmosphere
simply
to test its recently installed radiological monitoring equipment. Passing
over
Spokane and reaching as far as the California-Oregon border, Green
Run
irradiated thousands of downwinders, as civilians exposed to the effects
of
airborne radiation tests are known, and contaminated an enormous swath
of
cattle grazing and dairy land. *26 A team of epidemiologists is now
looking
into an epidemic of late-occurring thyroid tumors and other radiogenic
disorders among the downwind residents in eastern Washington state.
The
plant's emissions control systems were turned off during the experiment,
releasing into the atmosphere almost twice as much radioactive iodine-131
as
originally planned. The GAO report notes that the off-site population
was not
forewarned [nor] made aware of the [test] for several decades. It also
notes
that although adverse weather patterns kept the radiation from spreading
as
far as expected, monitoring Air Force planes detected hot clouds over
100
miles northeast of the site. *27
SACRIFICIAL LAMBS
Even when the government took steps to create the appearance of openness,
it
was less than candid. You are in a very real sense active participants
in the
Nation's atomic test program, proclaimed a 1955 AEC propaganda booklet
widely
disseminated to downwind neighbors of the Nevada Test Site. Some of
you have
been inconvenienced by our test operations, and at times some of you
have been
exposed to potential risk from flash, blast, or fallout. You have accepted
the
inconvenience or the risk without fuss, without alarm, and without
panic. *28
The AEC's concern for inconveniences or honesty, however, did not extend
to
the 4,500 Utah and Nevada sheep who died mysteriously in 1953 after
exposure
to fallout. The AEC denied any causal connection between the sheep's
exposure
to radioactive fallout from the 1953 Upshot-Knothole tests and their
deaths.
*29 In a 1956 trial, Utah and Nevada sheep ranchers lost their lawsuit
against
the government. But years later, Harold Knapp, a former AEC scientist
who
analyzed the 1953 sheep deaths, challenged the AEC's accounts. The
simplest
explanation, he told a 1979 congressional committee, of the primary
cause of
death in the lambing ewes is irradiation of the ewe's gastrointestinal
tract
by beta particles from all the fission products ingested by the sheep
along
with open range forage. *30 In a 1982 retrial, A. Sherman Christensen,
the
same judge who presided over the 1956 trial, noting that fraud was
committed
by the U.S. Government when it lied, pressured witnesses, and manipulated
the
processes of the court, ruled for the ranchers. *31
PARADISE LOST
U.S. government callousness and deception extended halfway around the
world.
Another nuclear experiment was underway in the Marshall Islands a de
facto
strategic colony of the U.S. located in the middle of the Pacific Ocean.
Between 1946 and 1958, the U.S. exploded 67 atomic and hydrogen bombs
at
Bikini and Enewetok, two Marshall group atolls. Once again, the full
impact
and consequences of this experiment would not be disclosed for decades,
and
then only reluctantly. The largest and dirtiest of the Marshall Islands
blasts
was code-named Bravo. At 15 megatons more than 1,000 times the size
of the
Hiroshima bomb Bravo rained lethal radioactive fallout over thousands
of
unsuspecting islanders under circumstances which remain mysterious.
The people
of Rongelap atoll were especially hard-hit. They were evacuated from
their
home islands two days after Bravo, following the absorption of massive
doses
of high-level fallout. Following the Rongelap evacuation, the AEC considered
repatriating the islanders to their home atoll in order to gather vital
fallout data. In 1956, Dr. G. Failla, chair of the AEC's Advisory Committee
on
Biology and Medicine, wrote to AEC head Lewis Strauss: The Advisory
Committee hopes that conditions will permit an early accomplishment of
the plan [to return the Rongelap people]. The Committee is also of the
opinion that here is
the opportunity for a useful genetic study of the effects on these
people. 32
Three years later, Dr. C.L. Dunham, head of the AEC's Division of Biology
and
Medicine, reiterated the AEC's interest. Studying the Rongelap victims
of the
Bravo blast will, he wrote, ... contribute to estimates of long term
hazards
to human beings and to an evaluation of the recovery period following
a single
nuclear detonation. *33 Having established the near-perfect longitudinal
human
radiation experiment in 1954, DoE continues to compile data from their
Marshallese subjects. It appears that AEC was guilty of both negligently
disregarding the well-being of the Marshallese and then lying about
its
actions. On February 24, 1994, Rep. George Miller (D-Calif.), chair
of the
House Committee on Natural Resources, convened a hearing on Bravo.
Recalling
weather data that demonstrated prior knowledge that islanders would
receive
substantial fallout, and that winds had not unexpectedly shifted, *34
Rep.
Miller declared that We have deliberately kept that information from
the
Marshallese. That clearly constitutes a cover-up. *35
A PATTERN OF IGNORED DISCLOSURES
The record of U.S. government lies, misrepresentation, and cover-ups
to
support its nuclear research program is incontrovertible, if not yet
complete.
From the inception of the U.S. nuclear program, government policy has
placed
military and scientific interests above both the well-being of thousands
of
people and the truth. And, Secretary O'Leary's evident openness
notwithstanding, the government's record in responding to earlier disclosures
is not reassuring. When faced with damaging disclosures in the past,
the
government attempted to stonewall. When that would not suffice, the
government only grudgingly responded. A few examples:
• * In 1980, Congress issued a stinging report, The Forgotten Guinea
Pigs,
which concluded that the AEC chose to secure, at any cost, the atmospheric
nuclear weapons testing program rather than to protect the health and
welfare
of the residents of the area who lived downwind from the site. *36
• * In 1982, the New York Times provided evidence that policy-makers
foresaw
dangers and acted to cover them up. The story included a statement
by a former
Army medic, Van R. Brandon, of Sacramento, that his medical unit kept
two sets
of books of radiation readings at the Nevada Test Site during the 1956-57
tests. One set was to show that no one received an [elevated] exposure,
Brandon told the paper. The other set of books showed ... the actual
reading.
That set was brought in a locked briefcase every morning, he recalled.
*37 DoE
officials simply denied Brandon's allegations, and no further investigation
was pursued. *38
• * In 1986, Rep. Edward Markey (D-Mass.) released a report detailing
human
radiation experiments that AEC and its successors conducted between
the 1940s
and the 1970s. Many were designed to measure the effects of radiation
on
humans, and according to Markey, American citizens thus became nuclear
calibration devices for experimenters run amok. 39 The Markey report,
American
Nuclear Guinea Pigs, described 31 grisly experiments involving 695
people who
were captive audiences or populations that some experimenters frighteningly
might have considered `expendable.' 40 When the Reagan administration
refused
to investigate the disclosures, the Markey report was quickly forgotten.
There
was a massive public relations relationship that existed between the
[Reagan]
administration, the defense contractors and experimenters in America,
charged
Markey, that worked very effectively throughout the 1980s. I'd say
something,
and I'd get attacked, and it would be a one-day story. *41
A LONG, HARD ROAD TO JUSTICE
From the beginning of the nuclear age, the federal government not only
ignored
or suppressed knowledge of abuses in the nuclear experimental program,
it also
fought all attempts to hold it accountable for damages. A series of
Supreme
Court decisions dating back to 1950 bars both atomic veterans and downwinders
from suing the federal government. *42 Veterans are denied the right
to sue
for injuries suffered while on active duty because the Court believes
that
this would interfere with military necessity and national security.
*43
Downwinders have also encountered many obstacles in their long struggle
for
medical studies and compensation. One group of Utah residents who lived
under
the fallout during the 1950s and early 1960s finally succeeded in bringing
their federal lawsuit to trial in 1982. They scored an important victory
when
the trial judge found the bomb tests were responsible for their cancers
and
awarded them damages. *44 But the appeals court reversed this verdict
by re-
defining the discretionary function exception to the Federal Tort Claims
Act
to make the government immune from lawsuits of this kind. *45 In essence,
the
court held that setting off nuclear bombs was within the discretionary
power
of high-ranking officials and could not be questioned in a lawsuit
for
damages. After the federal appeals court stripped the downwinders of
their
victory, in 1990, Congress finally stepped in and adopted the Radiation
Exposure Compensation Act for downwinders and some groups of uranium
miners.
Claimants must document residence in the fallout area and that they
suffer
from one of 13 cancers linked to radiation exposure. The program,
administered by the Department of Justice, places a ceiling of $50,000
per
claim, although many awards were smaller. Justice granted 818 claims
out of
1,460 which were submitted as of January 1994.46 In 1988, Congress
acted on
behalf of atomic veterans, forcing the Department of Veterans Affairs
(VA) to
establish a limited compensation plan with a $75,000 cap. It provides
presumptive disability to veterans who can prove that they suffer from
one of
a list of 13 cancers (e.g., bone, breast, skin, stomach, thyroid, leukemia,
etc.), and that they were present during one or more nuclear test blasts.
Of
more than 15,000 veterans' claims filed as of January 1994, only 1,401
have
been approved, indicating that most claimants are unable to qualify
under the
terms of the program. *47 One problem confronting many veterans is
inaccurate
or missing military records that omit service at a nuclear test site.
*48
Another is to prepare a radiation dose reconstruction that estimates
the
amount of exposure the veteran received. Many vets have challenged
the
accuracy of dose estimates prepared by a private contractor, Science
Applications International. This privately held research corporation
includes
among its stockholders Defense Department officials including Secretary
William Perry and Deputy Secretary John Deutch, and one-time nominee
Bobby Ray Inman. The Defense Department has little to say about potential
conflicts of
interest. We're going to decline to comment on this. I don't think
we would
have anything that would be meaningful to say, said Pentagon spokesman
Capt.
Michael Doubleday. *49 A final obstacle is that just having cancer
isn't
enough; veterans must prove they are disabled by it.
WHAT WILL CLINTON DO?
The Clinton administration is about to undergo a test of its own. The
key
question will be how it defines who will be considered a nuclear test
victim
for purposes of health research and compensation. Given the decades-long
record of coverup and callousness, there is little reason to assume
that the
recent revelations concerning human experimentation will produce any
lasting
benefit for the tens of thousands of veterans and civilians harmed
by nuclear
weapons testing and radiation experiments over the past half century
let alone
the estimated five million U.S. citizens exposed to dangerous levels
of
radiation during the Cold War. * Early indications are that the White
House
will stake out a restrictive position. DoE head O'Leary also appears
to be
seeking some remedy short of compensating all categories of victims.
So,
apparently, is the GAO. The GAO's report on atmospheric radiation releases
provides a glimpse of the emerging strategy. In assessing the significance
of
the Green Run test, the GAO struck a cautious note. The test [was not]
intended to be a radiation experiment or a field test of radiobiological
effects. [After] examining still classified passages [we] found that
they
don't refer to any such intentions. *50 This interpretation could provide
the
basis for a restrictive reading of who is entitled to compensation
and follow-
up health studies.
STACKING THE DECK
The Clinton administration may also be moving to head off potentially
monstrous payouts to victims. To deal with the predicted avalanche
of claims,
as well as to fend off adverse publicity, the administration has established
an advisory committee and an interagency working group to define policy.
The
advisory committee's mission statement, as well as the backgrounds
of some of
the people appointed to the panels, give victims cause for skepticism.
The
President's Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments is composed
of scientists, medical ethicists, and lawyers and is chaired by Dr. Ruth
Faden of
Johns Hopkins University. The White House announcement stated that
its mission is to evaluate the ethical and scientific standards of government
sponsored human experiments which involved intentional exposure to ionizing
radiation.
*51 (emphasis added) When read in conjunction with the GAO report's
cautious
conclusion, this language appears to sharply limit possible claimants.
And one
of the advisory panel members, Washington, D.C. lawyer Kenneth Feinberg,
has
credentials that have raised eyebrows. Feinberg played a controversial
role in
forging an 11th-hour settlement of the class action lawsuit against
Agent
Orange manufacturers in 1984. Working at the direction of trial judge
Jack
Weinstein in Brooklyn, New York, Feinberg helped ram through a $180
million
settlement. Although the figure seems large, it is grossly inadequate
in light
of the 250,000 veteran-claimants and the severity of their disabilities.
Since
the settlement, Judge Weinstein has blocked every subsequent lawsuit
against
the Agent Orange makers even for veterans whose cancer appeared years
after
the settlement was reached. * The Interagency Working Group has
representatives from every federal agency involved in radiation research
and
also includes a lawyer member whose past clients raise questions about
his
impartiality. Joel Klein, recently named White House Deputy Legal Counsel,
was
previously a partner in Klein Farr Smith & Taranto, a Washington,
D.C. law
firm which represented a number of corporate defendants in cases involving
the
due process rights of class action members. In 1985, Klein's firm won
a
Supreme Court decision in Phillips Petroleum v. Shutts, which narrowly
interpreted the rights of claimants in class actions. Klein also has
a case
pending before the Supreme Court, Ticor Title v. Brown, which experts
expect
will further diminish the rights of injured parties in class action
suits.
CLOUDED HORIZONS
It is too early to tell what role either Feinberg or Klein will play
in
determining compensation for nuclear test victims, but their histories
don't
lend cause for optimism. And given the administration's efforts at
damage
control, some advocates of radiation victims are dubious that the recent
disclosures will bring any more change than those in the past. Rob
Hager, a
public interest lawyer in Washington, has been fighting the DoE for
years. He
has waged an 11-year legal battle on behalf of the widow of Joe Harding,
who
developed cancer after working at a DoE uranium processing plant in
Paducah,
Kentucky. The DoE's approach to compensation is a scorched earth policy;
settle no claims and litigate to the hilt, Hager charges. They've changed
their head, but it doesn't seem to be connected to the body. *52 Eileen
Welsome agrees. The Albuquerque journalist, who recently won a Pulitzer
Prize
for her reporting on this issue, was asked what she learned. She responded,
The DoE of today is no different from the DoE of 50 years ago. It's
an
obstructionist agency; it doesn't follow the law. I think it's an agency
that
bears careful scrutiny and constant scrutiny. 53
THE BUCHENWALD TOUCH
The still-emerging history of nuclear experimentation raises important
issues
of medical ethics and calls into question the scientific community's
sensitivity to and awareness of these issues. It also raises the question
of
whether these experimenters, in furthering the Pentagon's military
and
security demands, violated international standards on human experimentation.
Even at this late date, it seems that some scientists involved are
unable to
see any problems with their behavior. Patricia Durbin, a scientist
at the
Lawrence Livermore Laboratory in California who participated in plutonium
experiments, recently said:
"They were always on the lookout for somebody who had some kind of
terminal
disease who was going to undergo an amputation. These things were not
done to
plague people or make them sick and miserable. They were not done to
kill people. They were done to gain potentially valuable information. The
fact that they were injected and provided this valuable data should almost
be a sort of memorial rather than something to be ashamed of. It doesn't
bother me to talk about the plutonium injectees because of the value of
the information they provided. *1" And Dr. Victor Bond, a medical physicist
and doctor at Brookhaven National Laboratory, recently defended the Fernald
experiments, in which retarded children were deliberately given radioactive
substances in their breakfast cereal. A question arose as to whether
chemicals
in breakfast cereals interfered with the uptake of iron or calcium
in
children. An answer was needed, declared Bond. In reference to the
entire
series of cold war nuclear experiments, Bond offered that It's useful
to know
what dose of radiation sterilizes; it's useful to know what different
doses of
radiation will do to human beings. *2 While Drs. Bond and Durbin rationalized
such programs, other scientists have spoken out. Referring to the Cincinnati
experiments in which 88 cancer patients were exposed to massive whole
body
doses of radiation, Dr. David Egilman, a former Cincinnati faculty
member,
said, The study was designed to test the effects of radiation on soldiers.
It
was known that whole-body radiation wouldn't treat the patients' cancer.
What
happened was one of the worst things this government has done to its
citizens.
*3 And Dr. Joseph Hamilton, a neurologist at the University of California
Hospital in San Francisco, referred to his own human radiation experiments
in
the 1940s as having a little of the Buchenwald touch.
*4 THE BUCHENWALD TOUCH
is not limited to Cold War-related experiments. In what has come to
be known
as the Tuskegee Study, 412 African American sharecroppers suffering
from
syphillis were rounded up in Tuskegee, Alabama, in the early 1930s.
For forty
years, the men were never told what had stricken them while doctors
from the
U.S. Public Health Service observed the ravages of the disease, from
blindness
and paralysis to dementia and early death. Even after penicillin proved
to be
an effective treatment for syphilis, they were left untreated. *5 Nor
are such
experiments a thing of the past. Recent congressional hearings revealed
studies on schizophrenia in the late 1980s where doctors intentionally
worsened patients' symptoms, causing relapses and leading to the death
by
suicide of at least one of the patients. Dr. Michael Davidson, who
led a study
at the VA Hospital in the Bronx, defended the study, saying, it would
not be
advisable to [warn] the patients about psychosis or relapse. *6
====================================================
Comments:
This human experiment theme continues
today via the fact that the DOE
prevented the nuclear bomb plant workers from telling doctors what
they were
exposed to---- which produced many of the diseases in the workers.
As a
result many workers had lots of symptoms---but never any full diagnosis.
This is just as criminal in nature as the injections of plutonium into
these
other folks. It violates the informed consents and full
protection of health
issues and highly impacts the epidemiology of toxic metals and nuclear
exposures beyond the cancer reporting.
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